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Which State Has The Most Inequality? Texas or New York? Why?

In Gini Ratio, Income Tax Rates, Inequality, Texas on October 21, 2011 at 12:25 am

Econscius looked into economic inequality by state and found some surprising facts.  Which state did you think has the most economic inequality, defined by the government’s Gini ratio?  Did you guess Texas or Alabama?  The Gini ratio measures unequal outcomes in wealth; a ratio of 0.0 would mean everyone had exactly the same and a ratio of 1.0 would mean one person held all the wealth.

The District of Columbia has the highest level of inequality (Gini ratio of 0.532).  New York has the highest state ratio at 0.502, followed by Connecticut, Texas, Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Illinois, Georgia and Massachusetts which rounds up the Top 10 with a score of 0.468.

The state with the lowest Gini ratio is Alaska at 0.402.  Utah is second most equal at 0.414, followed by Wyoming at 0.415.

Econscius ran several regression analyses of the most recent state Gini ratios, looking for correlations that would help identify the cause(s).  First, I compared “Right to Work” states against the tally of state Gini ratios, expecting the comparative absence of unions might be a factor.  “Right To Work” states prohibit closed shops (mandatory unions).  But there is no statistical correlation (RSquared = 0.01), which can be easily seen by the high rate of dispersion in the graph below.  An interesting follow-up may be to see if there is any difference using the unionized proportion of the workforce in place of Right To Work state.

State Gini Ratio vs Right to Work (1 = yes, 0 = no)

The scatterplot below shows a rather loose relationship between average income and Gini ratio.  The trend line shows high income states tend to be slightly more equal than lower-income states.  (R-squared is 0.08).  In statistical terms, income and Gini ratio should be impacted by co-variance (the two variables are not independent of each other), making it a less than ideal measure.

State Gini Ratio Vs. Median State Income

Next, I ran a regression of Gini ratio against Net State Income Tax Rate, as calculated by the National Bureau of Economic Research.  The NBER is best known as the group that officially dates recessions.  As seen in the graph below, the trend line is the opposite of what one might expect.  Higher state income tax rates actually imply slightly higher inequality (R-squared 0.08). 

The scatterplot graph below clearly shows how the highest inequality states of New York and Connecticut have high taxes and several of the states with no income tax have the lowest Gini ratios, e.g. Wyoming and Alaska.  While higher income taxes are not well correlated with equality, an observation is states known for high property taxes (which are regressive) are bundled amongst the most unequal, including New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Florida and Illinois.

State Gini Ratio vs. Net State Income Tax Rate (NBER 2009 Tax Data)

Lastly, let’s look at state Gini ratio vs. population density (people per square mile) .  This regressed variable has the strongest correlation with Gini ratio (R-squared 0.14). 

Why would sparsely populated states be more equal and densely populated states have a greater gap between the rich and poor.  I hypothesize higher density means more urbanized areas, which means more specialization of skills.  The economic concept of division of labor shows how the greatest economic benefits come from having each person focus on what they are most economically productive at and then trading their output with the output of someone else for all other items.  One way to think of it is to imagine Steve Jobs working in isolation in a rural area.  He would have less time to spend inventing computers and whatnot if he was unable to employ other people to mow his lawn, clean his car and other household chores.  Imagine if he had to do his own legal work, build his own house, cook his own food because there were no restaurants, etc. 

Large cities allow a high degree of division of labor.   Urban areas tend to be centers of economic specialization.  There are centers of specific industry specialization such as entertainment in Los Angeles, energy in Houston, finance and media in New York, insurance in Hartford, government in Washington DC, pharmaceuticals in New Jersey, autos in Detroit and technology in San Jose.  Most cities provide network benefits for commerce.  Corporate headquarters are mostly found in large metropolitan areas as employers can easily find necessary skilled workers in management, marketing, human resources, accounting, law, consulting and finance. 

The concentration of highly paid professionals in these large cities also leads to a concentration of poorly paid service workers because of the high degree of division of labor.  Whereas a small town worker may handle many household chores on their own, the highly compensated professionals around big cities like Los Angeles and New York hire maids, nannies, gardeners and even dog walkers.  They outsource some of their work to dry cleaners and restaurant employees.  They also may do more retail shopping, which means more need for low skill, low wage workers at retailers plus truck drivers and distribution center workers to deliver the goods.  It is no surprise, then, that large cities like Chicago, New York, Detroit and Los Angeles are both very rich and very poor at the same time. 

The wealthy professionals living in Atherton, CA, Huntington Beach, CA, Wilmette, IL, Grosse Point, MI and Irvington, NY trade some of their copious amounts of money for leisure time by sub-contracting low skill work like house painting and pizza delivery to low skill workers.  These low skilled workers are generally paid below average wages, which helps explain why the large cities, and the states they reside in, are both rich and poor.  This helps explain the high Gini ratios in the more densely populated states.

These four regression analyses do not explain all of the differences in Gini ratios.  While income tax rates have no relationship, it is possible a measure of to marginal tax rates on the rich may be a factor.  We did not look at state and local sales and property taxes.  Other possible explanations may include educational attainment dispersion within each state, the types of industries prevalent in a state, immigration levels, and even cultural differences between states. 

We found New York is actually less equal than Texas, which probably surprises most people but likely reflects the high density of population in metro New York City where many highly compensated, high skilled workers reside as well as many low pay, low skill workers who serve their day-to-day needs.  As we have seen in my posts on Texas, (https://econscius.wordpress.com/2011/09/03/stellar-texas-job-growth-in-above-average-wage-cities/) it is increasingly densely populated and affluent in its large metro areas of Dallas, Austin, San Antonio and especially, Houston.   Metro Houston is the 3rd largest home of Fortune 500 HQs and is now the major home of the energy industry’s professional staffs (senior management finance, legal, accounting, engineering).  Progressive, union-friendly states like Connecticut and Massachusetts are less equal than Right To Work states like Nebraska and Kansas.  It appears one factor is the densely populated concentrations of skilled workers such as hedge fund and insurance workers in Connecticut and biotech and technology in suburban Boston. 

I believe Gini ratio and measures of inequality are overhyped.  If a richer neighbor of mine accidentally drops some of his property, say his iPod, in a river, inequality has been slightly reduced but am I better off?  Nevertheless, the evidence on state Gini coefficients suggests there is no diabolical plot causing high inequality.  Several of the least equal states like New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut are reliably Democratic, high tax and union friendly.  The District of Columbia is the most unequal of all.  The inequality must come from other sources, certainly including the concentration of highly paid, skilled workers in those states. 

 

Notes:

Chart 1: 2009 Gini coefficient data (latest available) from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_U.S._states_by_Gini_coefficient retrieved 10/18/11.   Right-To-Work states from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Right-to-work_law retrieved 10/18/11.

Chart 2: 2006-7 average data (latest available) from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_U.S._states_by_median_income retrieved 10/18/11.

Chart 3: 2009 data (latest available) from http://www.nber.org/~taxsim/state-marginal/avrate.html, retrieved 10/19/11.

Chart 4: Population Density from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_U.S._states_by_population_density retrieved 10/18/11.

Pictures from Wikipedia Commons.

Your comments are welcomed!  What do you think causes inequality?

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Astronomical Job Growth in Houston, Texas

In Houston, Job Creation, Oil, Texas on October 6, 2011 at 12:57 am

We saw in https://econscius.wordpress.com/2011/09/03/stellar-texas-job-growth-in-above-average-wage-cities/ the majority (509,560, or 59%) of the 860,740 net new jobs created in Texas in 2001-10 occurred in three metropolitan areas, each of which has enjoys wages above national averages.

After we looked at metro Austin in detail, [1] today we drill into metro Houston (pardon the pun).

The Houston-Sugarland-Baytown MSA, which also includes Galveston and Brazoria Counties, had 5,946,800 residents in the 2010 Census, up 1,231,393 (26%) from 2000. [2]   Metro Houston’s  job growth of 274,510 in 2001-10 accounted for 32% of all Texas job growth. [3]  The rest of the USA actually had negative job growth during the same time frame. 

The Houston-Sugarland-Baytown MSA job growth was in the following US Bureau of Labor Statistics categories:  Business & Financial (+26,870 jobs, average wage $71,190), Sales & Related (+42,080, average wage $38,680), Food Preparation (+50,270, average wage $19,900), Healthcare Practitioners (+37,070, average wage $72,330), Healthcare Support(+21,350, average wage $), Education & Training (+35,600, average wage $51,450), Production Occupations, which includes oil refining (+22,430, average wage $28,671) and all other groupings combined (+38,840 jobs). [3]  This shows most of the job growth was in white-collar jobs. 

Houston MSA Job Growth; Source: BLS data, 2001 vs. 2010

The proverbial “burger flipper” jobs of the Food Preparation category accounted for only 18% of the total job growth, are often held by teenagers, and such growth is to be expected when the metro area had 26% population growth in the decade.  As a proportion of job force, Houston’s Food Preparation category grew from 7% to 8% of the total, which shows the off the cuff claim that “all” the job growth is in “fast food” is incorrect.  By comparison, BLS data shows the USA actually had 9%, a slightly higher percentage of jobs in the Food Preparation category, indicating Houston jobs are less fast-food dependent than jobs are nationally.

Source: 2010 BLS data, http://www.bls.gov

The Houston MSA vs. USA average wages graph below is quite interesting.  It certainly discredits the claims Texas jobs are low wage.  Houston had the greatest absolute job growth of any Texas metro area, accounting for almost a third of the entire Texas total.  As you can see in the graph, Houston wages are competitive with USA averages in all categories. 

One difference shows is how Houston’s skilled professions (management, architecture & engineering, computer and mathematical and healthcare professions are all above US averages, some by wide margins.  The engineering category benefits from Houston’s concentration of well-paid engineers.  The 10,350 petroleum engineers earn a remarkable average of $135,270.  My speculation on why Managers are so well paid would be Houston’s disproportionately large concentration of corporate HQs, meaning the metro area has an unusually large proportion of highly compensated top corporate managers.

On the other hand, a few categories of workers at lower skill levels (Food Preparation, Protective Service and Healthcare Support) earn slightly less than US averages, despite the overall higher Houston wages.  This may reflect the weakness of unions in Houston vis-a-vis the nation at large.  Interestingly, we saw a very similar wage pattern in Austin with the highest skilled workers earning more than national averages and low skilled workers slightly below national averages.

Source: BLS, 2010 data

Houston’s job distribution is quite similar to US averages.   One difference is how the high-wage Architecture & Engineering category is 3.2% of Houston employment, compared to 1.8% nationally.   Another anomaly is the US Healthcare Practitioners & Support categories total 8.9% of workers, but these categories account for 7.6% of Houston workers.  The probable explanation is the younger average age of metro Houston residents meaning they are healthier and less needing of health care.

Source: BLS DataSource: 2010 BLS DataSource: 2010 BLS data

 

Houston has one university in the US News Top 100.  Rice University is ranked #17 [4], which puts it ahead of acclaimed universities like California-Berkeley, Michigan, NYU and Notre Dame.  Other major schools include the University of Houston and the University of Texas maintains a medical center in Houston.  Texas A&M is ranked#58 [5] and is located in College Station, TX, which is 95 miles northwest of downtown Houston.

The 29.7% of metro Houston residents with a college degree matches the US average and exceeds the Texas average of 25.5%.  Interestingly, Houston’s college graduates are more likely to hold a degree in science, engineering and related fields, at 47.4% vs. 43.6% nationally. [6]

What drives the Houston economy?  Energy, both oil and natural gas.  We often hear Houston has grown the way it has “because of oil”.  While oil is extremely important to the Houston story, Houston’s success comes from more than just drilling and refining.  Oil is found in many other places, such as California, Alaska, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Oklahoma. 

 Today, Houston is the undisputed capital of the energy industry, but that was not always the case nor was it inevitable.  “In 1960, Houston served as home for only one of the nation’s large energy firms, ranking well behind New York City, Los Angeles and even Tulsa.  Today Houston has 16, which is more than all the other cities combined.”  [7]

ConocoPhillips Logo.svg

Many major energy and related services companies relocated to Houston.  Oil services company Schlumberger relocated its U.S. corporate HQ from New York in 2006.  The corporate HQ of Heartland Oil and Gas moved from Denver in 2007.  CITGO Petroleum switched its HQ from Tulsa to Houston in 2004.   Direct Energy, the Toronto-based electricity provider moved its U.S. head office from Stamford, CT in 2007.  When Houston-based Conoco and Oklahoma-based Phillips Petroleum merged, the new company chose Houston for its HQ.  All of these companies have research & development operations in the Houston area.  Vestas Wind Systems chose Houston for a new US R&D center. [8]  Oil services company FMC Technology relocated from Chicago in 2003. [9]  

Shell logo.svg

Major international energy companies like Shell Oil Company (HQ of the US subsidiary) and BP America moved to Houston.  Pennzoil, now owned by Shell, started in California and had relocated to Houston in the 1970s. [10] BP America relocated its headquarters and some 3,000 employees from metro Chicago in 2008.  [11]  BP again centralized more R&D and even moved jobs from its British HQ in 2010. [12]  BP’s North American operations came from British Petroleum’s purchase of California-based ARCO, Chicago-based AMOCO and Cleveland-based Standard Oil of Ohio. 

Why Houston?  It is not just oil –  presumably, other factors must have made Texas favorable for energy companies.  These factors most likely include low costs of doing business, low taxes, infrastructure, and an educated workforce for the various R&D and corporate HQ staffs.  Eventually Houston attracted enough energy companies to enjoy the benefits of industry concentration. 

Metro Houston has 10,380 petroleum engineers (37% of the entire USA total) with an average wage of $135,270 (higher than the US average $127,970).  There are 9,730 oil and gas derrick, rotary drill & service unit operators (13% of USA total) and they work at slightly above average US wages.  Sixteen percent of the nation’s petroleum pump operators work in Houston at an average wage of $58,540. [3]  If you were a new entrant into the energy business today, your company would probably be very attracted to Houston because the concentration of other energy companies there means a deep talent pool of industry workers.  Houston’s economy includes upstream energy processing such as refineries and chemical companies.

This concentration effect has occurred in other places, such as Detroit with the emerging automotive industry in the 1910s and more recently, Silicon Valley for technology start-ups.   The energy concentration is both an advantage and potential disadvantage for Houston.  Houston has developed some major non-energy businesses, including large computer maker Compaq, which was acquired by HP but still employs 9,000 in Houston (see chart below).  Waste Management relocated from Chicago in 1998 but Houston lost the Continental HQ to Chicago when the airline was acquired by United Airlines in 2011.

Waste Management Logo.svg

How much of the Houston economy is related to energy?  The answer is about half.  The non-energy proportion of the Houston economy decreased from 52.2% in 2001 to 50.3% in 2010 as oil prices surged and companies like BP and CITGO relocated to Houston.  Both figures are better than 1996’s  44.5%. [13]

The Houston MSA area is 38% Latino, 16% Black and 7% Asian [14], compared to the US average of 16% Latino, 13% Black, and 5% Asian. [15]  Thus, non-Hispanic whites are a minority in metro Houston and the city has a much larger minority population than the US average.  Given the lower average educational and income attainment of racial minority groups, it is quite impressive metro Houston is above the US average in income and at the US average for percentage of residents with a college degree.

 
 
Summing up, I find the 2001-10 job growth in Houston to be very impressive, especially when compared to the negative job growth in the rest of the USA in the same 2001-10 timeframe.  The data prove Houston’s wages are above US averages, though there is a skewed effect of the highest skilled workers earning a significant premium to highly skilled workers elsewhere, which presumably reflects the concentration of corporate executives and highly skilled engineers.  On the other end of the spectrum, some low skill worker classifications are slightly below the US averages, quite likely the result of the lack of unions in metro Houston.  The Houston distribution of jobs by type quite closely mirrors that of the US at large, with the largest differences in healthcare as the young Houston population is healthier and in engineering, where Houston is almost twice the national average.   
 
The job growth was across-the-board and not disproportionately in low-wage categories.  In fact, the majority of the job growth was in white collar areas; we even saw how a smaller proportion of Houston workers are in Food Preparation than is the case nationwide.  Houston has an unusually large minority population, which includes an estimated 150,000 or more former residents of New Orleans who were displaced by Hurricane Katrina.  Above all, Houston has a large Hispanic/Tejano population.  Given the lower average wages of racial minorities nationwide, the higher than average wages in Houston show the metro area has done well by most of its residents, including the 54% of the metro area’s population that is Black or Hispanic.
 
Houston is concentrated in the oil industry.  Its success cannot be solely attributed to higher oil prices as nearly the entire American energy industry has slowly but surely been relocating its HQs and R&D groups to Houston.  Higher oil prices had nothing to do with major oil companies leaving Chicago, California, New York, Denver and Oklahoma for Houston.  The open questions on Houston’s future job growth are how well the city will perform if oil and gas prices decline, how much more will it diversify into other non-energy industries, and to what extent will alternative industry players locate in Houston (like Vestas Wind’s R&D group)?  These answers will help determine if Houston continues its astronomical job growth in future decades.
 
We finish with the chart below, showing the largest employers in metro Houston.  The biggest for-profit employers are primarily energy companies like ExxonMobil, Shell, National Oilwell Varco, Chevron, BP, KBR, Baker Hughes, Anadarko and Halliburton but the list also including major non-energy firms UnitedContinental, Kroger, HP (formerly Compaq), and ARAMARK.  Large non-energy firms on the list and headquartered in Houston include Sysco, BMC Software, restaurant chain owner Pappas and Service Corp., the largest operator of funeral homes.
 
Sysco late 2008 logo.png
 
  Metro Houston Employers With More Than 1,000 Employees
1 Houston Independent School District            25,514
2 City of Houston            21,588
3 Memorial Hermann Healthcare System            19,500
4 University of Texas M.D. Anderson Cancer Center            18,599
5 United Continental Holdings            16,000
6 Harris County            14,983
7 The Methodist Hospital System            13,000
8 ExxonMobil            13,000
9 Shell Oil Company            13,000
10 Kroger Company            12,000
11 National Oilwell Varco            10,000
12 The Methodist Hospital*              9,991
13 UTMB-Glaveston Health              9,318
14 Baylor College of Medicine              9,232
15 HP              9,000
16 Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District              8,917
17 ARAMARK Corp.              8,500
18 Houston Community College              8,098
19 Chevron              8,000
20 Pappas Restaurants              8,000
21 HCA, Inc.              7,855
22 Pasadena ISD              7,447
23 BP America, Inc.              7,387
24 Macy’s              7,000
25 Baker Hughes              7,000
26 AT&T              6,900
27 Katy ISD              6,556
28 Aldine ISD              6,540
29 ExxonMobil Chemical-Baytown              6,500
30 Fort Bend ISD              6,319
31 Dow Chemical              6,100
32 St. Luke’s Episcopal Health System              6,000
33 Texas Childrens Hospital              6,000
34 H-E-B              6,000
35 Halliburton              5,748
36 EPCO, Inc              5,700
36 University of Houston              5,542
37 Fiesta Mart              5,500
38 KBR              5,089
39 LyondellBasell Industries              5,080
40 CenterPoint Energy              5,000
41 Spring Branch Independent School District              4,842
42 UTHealth              4,690
43 ConocoPhillips              4,000
44 Bank of America              3,100
45 Comcast Cable Communications, Inc.              2,700
46 Rice University              2,600
47 Wells Fargo              2,471
48 Amegy Bank              2,215
49 Anadarko Petroleum              2,200
50 El Paso Corporation              2,200
51 Sysco Corporation              1,800
52 Deloitte              1,500
53 The Boeing Company              1,500
54 CITGO Petroleum Corporation              1,367
55 Service Corporation International              1,300
56 Houston Chronicle              1,295
57 BMC Software, Inc.              1,100
58 City of Pasadena              1,088
59 PWC              1,050
60 San Jacinto College District              1,026
61 Oceaneering International, Inc.              1,005
62 Ernst & Young LLP              1,000
63 Accenture              1,000
 

Chart by author, sources: http://www.houston.org/greater-houston-partnership/employers/ and http://hereishouston.com/?q=node/40 and http://www.texastribune.org/library/data/government-employee-salaries/.  This list may not be fully exhaustive, especially of non-public companies.

 

[1] https://econscius.wordpress.com/2011/09/11/stellar-job-growth-in-high-wage-austin-texas/

[2] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_United_States_metropolitan_areas, retrieved 9/29/11.

[3] Houston-Sugarland-Baytown, Brazoria, Galveston-Texas City MSA/PMSA employment and mean wage data retrieved for Total and Occupational categories in 2001 and 2010 from BLS data (2010) http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes_26420.htm#00-0000 and (2001) http://www.bls.gov/oes/2001/oes_3360.htm.

[4]http://colleges.usnews.rankingsandreviews.com/best-colleges/rice-university-3604

[5] http://colleges.usnews.rankingsandreviews.com/best-colleges/texas-am-college-station-10366

[6] http://www.houston.org/pdf/research/12AW001.pdf

[7] pg. 61 of http://www.houston.org/economic-development/joel-kotkin/pdf/KotkinReportwithlinks.pdf

[8] http://www.houston.org/pdf/research/16BW010.pdf 

[9] http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-90932695.html and http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-127881332.html 

[10] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pennzoil, retrieved 9/29/11..

[11] http://www.bizjournals.com/houston/stories/2007/10/15/daily58.html?t=printable and http://www.katyhomefinder.com/blogs/team_dimuria/archive/2008/02/23/bp-relocating-4000-from-chicago-to-houston-3200-request-katy.aspx

[12] http://www.chron.com/business/energy/article/BP-expands-Houston-s-role-centralizes-operations-1695645.php

[13] http://www.houston.org/pdf/research/10FW002-Data.pdf.

[14] http://www.dshs.state.tx.us/chs/popdat/ST2010.shtm

[15] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_the_United_States, retrieved 9/10/11.

Additional background data on Houston comes from http://www.dallasfed.org/research/houston/2005/hb0503.html

Pictures from Wikipedia Commons.

New York Times Hypocrisy: Recall For Thee But Not For Me

In New York Times, Political Rhetoric, Wisconsin Recall Elections on August 10, 2011 at 11:43 pm

Readers of the New York Times know its editorial board supported yesterday’s recall votes of Wisconsin Republican state senators.  You could be forgiven for thinking the New York Times was a strong backer of citizen initiatives to recall legislators and governors – even if only a few months after their election.

But you would be wrong.

Today’s NYT editorial applauds the recalls and even gives strategic advice on how to structure a recall:

“Five months after Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin pushed through a law stripping public unions of their bargaining rights …. Mr. Walker’s opponents did not succeed in turning over the Senate, but it was still an impressive response to the governor’s arrogant overreach.”

“It was probably a stretch for union supporters to go after six incumbent senators, rather than concentrate their forces on the most vulnerable. Nonetheless, voters around the country …  should draw strength from Tuesday’s success, not discouragement.”
 

Back in March, the NYT editors sounded no alarm bells whatsoever about the nascent recall efforts against Governor Walker and Republican state senators:

“It could have serious consequences for the Wisconsin Republicans who voted to do so. Recall efforts against Mr. Walker and several Republican senators are already under way… The place to exercise some power of their own is at the voting booth.” [2]

Contrast the glee over Wisconsin’s “impressive” recalls with New York Times editorial positions in the last major American political recall attempt.  Back in 2003, the NYT editorialized twice against the recall election of California Governor Gray Davis.  In “Wrong Remedy In California”, the NYT wrote:

“Californians have reason to be angry…. Recalling Governor Davis, however, is not the answer. It is an unwise move with potentially damaging ramifications.”

“Allowing wealthy, opportunistic politicians to overturn fair elections when politicians fall out of favor with the public is unhealthy.”

“The state’s Constitution says a recall election is mandated if the effort’s organizers collect enough signatures. Yet Californians can still avoid a political quagmire by voting to keep the governor they already have — at least until the next general election.”  [3]

In “California Chaos”, NYT editors opined:

“California is now rolling inexorably toward a rendezvous with potential political chaos that it does not need in its present fragile condition and that somebody in authority should have found a way to avoid.” [4]

Why the double standard on recalls? 

The answer is obvious:  Walker is a Republican and Gray was a Democrat.  The overtly partisan New York Times hypocritically says ‘Recall for thee, but not for me’.

 

[1] http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/11/opinion/wisconsins-warning-to-union-busters.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=wisconsin+recall&st=nyt

[2] http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/11/opinion/11fri2.html?scp=3&sq=wisconsin+recall&st=nyt

[3] http://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/11/opinion/wrong-remedy-in-california.html?scp=14&sq=gray+davis+recall&st=nyt

 [4] http://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/26/opinion/california-chaos.html?scp=3&sq=gray+davis+recall&st=nyt

Pictures from Wikipedia commons.